Two more gruesome weeks under Colombia's Alvaro Uribe
Colombia's President Alvaro Uribe gestures as he speaks during a ceremony to mark the anniversary of the founding of the Nueva Granada Military University in Bogota, May 6, 2008. (AP Photo/Fernando Vergara) Colombia - Union Leader Tortured and Murdered (Justice for Colombia)
Colombia - 24 Civilians Murdered in Arauca Department (Justice for Colombia)
Colombia - Death Threats against Regional Trade Union Leaders and Human Rights Defenders (Justice for Colombia)
Colombia - URGENT: Trade Union Leader Disappeared (Justice for Colombia)
Colombia - Police Implicated in Assassination Attempt Against National Union Leader (Justice for Colombia)
Colombia - Opposition Political Activist Assassinated (Justice for Colombia)
Colombia - Extrajudicial Executions Continue in Meta Department (Justice for Colombia)
Colombia - Getting Away with Murder (Committee to Protect Journalists)
Colombia - UN Calls on Colombia to End Killings (Justice for Colombia)
Labels: Colombia
posted by Justin Delacour | 12:05 PM
14 Comments:
Thanks for your interest in Colombia we need the help of people like you to get rid of these murderous monsters created by drug money.
Stop the War on Drugs !!!
Hi Justin,
I teach Spanish at an inner-city public high school and have a background in social justice issues, particularly in Central America. I always read your blog and try to keep my students informed on events in the Americas..
Do you know of any good articles that would help develop a discussion about free trade and globalization in Latin America for high school students (who think Fidel Castro was the president of Spain..)? If you get a chance to post a link or two in response to this comment I would appreciate it! I'm having trouble finding articles that provide a agood overview, argue a point, connect to the reality of how we live in the U.S., etc.
Thanks!
M.H.
M.H., there are myriad articles about the disasterous 'free trade' policies that have been advanced by the US--however, you won't find critical insight in the US or corporate news media.
Znet is a good source of information, as well as other left publications.
The information is out there, you just have to dig for it. The 'conventional wisdom' of the corporate interests is ubiquitous, and it is inculcated into the US public conciousness assiduosly, with very few counter-narratives that call into question the root assumptions of the people advancing these disasterous, short-sighted policies.
My apologies for not getting back to you earlier. There's a very good article about globalization from a magazine called Dollars and Sense. The article is called "The Gospel of Free Trade." I'm about to send it to you.
Best,
Justin
M.H.:
I can't find your email, so send me an email at jdelac@unm.edu. I'll send you the article by Arthur MacEwan entitled "The Gospel of Free Trade: The New Evangelists." I think it might work for a high school class.
Justin
May 15th is Chavez' day of reckoning when Interpol releases final report on FARC data.
BTW, do you consider yourself a journalist? If so, what do you think of this?
http://media.noticias24.com/0805/boca10.html
Secrets of the Colombian guerrillas:
FARC papers damning to Chávez
Raúl Reyes' computer reveals President Chávez's collaboration with the guerrillas
MAITE RICO (SPECIAL ENVOY) - Bogotá - 10 May 2008
Documents in the hands of EL PAÍS, extracted from the computer belonging to Raúl Reyes-number two in the FARC who died during a raid on March 1st -, reveal that Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez financed and armed Colombian guerrillas and asked them to train groups closely tied to Chavismo in the armed struggle. This article is the first in a series.
Last November 8th in Caracas, Hugo Chávez hosted Luciano Marín, alias Iván Márquez, a leader of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombian (FARC). The purpose: to promote the humanitarian agreement with Colombia involivng the exchange of 44 kidnapped persons for 500 guerrilla fighters held in prison. That was the public part. However there was another meeting that was secret. There, the Venezuelan president "approved without even blinking an eye" the request for 300 million dollars [194 million euros] presented by the Marxist guerrillas. Furthermore, they devised a plan for receiving, in Venezuela's Orinoco River region, weaponry sent to the FARC by two Australian traffickers and set in motion a mechanism for coordinating the guerrillas and the Venezuelan Army, at the highest level.
That is how Iván himself relates it to his cohorts with the Secretariat of the FARC in an email dated 12 November 2007. The message is found in one of the computers that were seized from Raúl Reyes, number two in the guerrilla organization, killed last March 1st durieng a Colombian attack against his camp in Ecuador. Bogotá has asked Interpol to certify the authenticity of the computers. The findings will be made public next week.
That meeting at Miraflores Palace made official a relation which been developing since the year 2000 through intermediaries and had come to fruition in the timely delivery of weaponry in exchange for having FARC train members of the Communist Party and other groups aligned with Chavismo at their camps on Venezuelan soil.
Two men very close to Chávez have been at the top of the list of contacts up until now: General Hugo Carvajal, Chief of Military Intelligence, and Naval Captain Ramón Rodríguez Chacín, current Minister of the Interior and Justice. The negotiators for the guerrilla organization within Venezuela were Iván Márquez and Rodrigo Granda, alias Ricardo.
Thus in an email dated 4 January 2007, Iván explains that General Carvajal and General Alcalá are going to facilitate delivery "next week of high power bazookas, 10 of which will be for Timo [Timochenko, another guerrilla commander along the border area] and 10 for here." Furthermore, General Alcalá was going to be in charge of the port of Maracaibo, "a great advantage" for "unloading cargo." All indications are that this is in reference to Cliver Alcalá, assigned to the State of Zulia, whose capital is Maracaibo.
The shipment materializes some days later: "The equipment we have received with Timo consists of 85 mm antitank rockets, 2 tubes and 21 charges. The friend says they have more than 1,000 charges, and that shortly they will facilitate delivery of some more," writes Iván on January 20th. General Carvajal has agreed "to bring a weapons bidder from Panama," while General Alcalá informs them that "the chiefs of the border Brigades are fully willing and able" to collaborate with them.
Besieged by the Colombian Air Force, the FARC are looking for ground-to-air missiles. In March of 2007 Timochenko writes stating that his friends in Venezuelan intelligence are offering "parts for putting them together and guarantee the trip for sending one of their own to the Middle East to take a course in handling rockets."
The exchange of emails between members of the Secretariat of the FARC constitutes a priceless logbook of relations with Venezuela, not exempt from frictions. Nevertheless, the decision by Álvaro Uribe to allow any mediation by Chávez in the negotiations for a humanitarian accord with the guerrilla organization, in August of 2007, had an effect the Colombian president had not calculated: the strengthening of the alliance with the guerrilla organization. "The FARC had always sought a direct meeting with Chávez, but he had been reluctant," says a Colombian intelligence analyst. "Until the Miraflores meeting, which set the strategic ensemble into motion."
Chávez considers his role of mediator as "a matter of geopolitical projection having transcendence," in the words of his Minister of the Interior and Justice. Effectively, success in that area (for example, Ingrid Betancourt's release) would reinforce his national and international image. At play is the referendum on constitutional reform (which he lost in December of 2007) and his role as continental leader. The guerrilla organization knows it and takes advantage: it uses the prisoner exchange as an umbrella for achieving from Chávez not only international projection and exclusion from the European Union's list of terrorist organizations, but also funding and weaponry for the "Strategic Plan," which is nothing more than the roadmap for grabbing power.
"The FARC are using Chávez," thus say Colombian sources. In February of 2008, during a secret meeting in Barinas (Venezuela), Chávez (who then appears in emails under the pseudonym of Ángel) gives assurances that he has the first 50 million dollars ready. "He offered us the possibility of a deal where we would receive a petroleum quota to be commercialized abroad, which would give us a juicy dividend," so write Iván and Ricardo. The manager from PDVSA [state-owned oil company] is present. Chávez appears jubilant. He sets up an appointment with authorities in Belarus for obtaining weaponry on the black market. And he offers to use PDVSA funds for paying lawyers for Simón Trinidad, a FARC commandant on trial in the U.S. for kidnapping and drug trafficking. Twenty days later, the Colombian Army attacks Raúl Reyes' camp.
© Diario EL PAÍS S.L. - Miguel Yuste 40 - 28037 Madrid [España] - Tel. 91 337 8200
© Prisacom S.A. - Ribera del Sena, S/N - Edificio APOT - Madrid [España] - Tel. 91 353 7900
The Computer’s Account of a Massacre:
The latest revelation from Raúl Reyes’ laptop is that the FARC killed six Venezuelans inside Venezuela and Hugo Chávez made an agreement with that guerrilla organization to cover it up and to blame the paramilitaries.
10 May 2008
SEMANA gained access to several September 23, 2004 email exchanges among Iván Márquez, ‘Mono Jojoy’ [Monkey Jojoy], Rodrigo Granda and the now dead Raúl Reyes. In these emails the guerrilla chiefs spoke of none other than a subject that had them deeply concerned: the Apure massacre.
The case they were referring to occurred on September 17, 2005 at 10:30 in the morning, when a group of Venezuelan National Guard soldiers who was escorting some engineers from PDVSA (Venezuelan national oil company) was ambushed near the town of La Charca, in the Venezuelan state of Apure. Five soldiers in uniform and a female engineer were killed. The massacre caused great consternation in Venezuela President Hugo Chávez, a large part of his cabinet and his then Defense Minister, General Jorge García Carneiro, hastened to state publicly that the massacre had been perpetrated by Colombian paramilitaries. “They were satisfied not only to shoot them, but they also killed off the wounded and that is what leads one to assume that the groups most identified with this kind of operation are the paramilitary-narcotraffickers who are in the area,” stated General García Carneiro in a September 19th communiqué. During the following days some of the Venezuelan media affirmed that testimony by area inhabitants indicated that the persons responsible had been guerrilla members of the FARC and not paramilitaries. Then the Chávez administration belittled that information and even though it announced exhaustive investigations and punishment for those responsible, the grave incident was cast into oblivion until today. Nevertheless, the FARC emails found in the Reyes computer reveal something different.
In September of 2004 the then Venezuelan Defense Minister, General Jorge García Carneiro, maintained that the massacre had been committed by the paramilitaries.
“Apologies must be offered for what has happened”
Six days following the massacre, in an initial email, Reyes said to ‘Jojoy’ that the Venezuelan military had sufficient proof that those responsible for the massacre had been the FARC and that is was best to accept responsibility. He also says that it is necessary to use the meeting between the head of the Venezuelan Office of Military Intelligence (DIM) and Iván Márquez as an opportunity to offer apologies to the Venezuelan government. “The unfortunate incident with the Venezuelans has created difficulties in our political and diplomatic relations.”
“Even though Chávez himself has maintained wariness concerning syndications with the FARC, they do possess much evidence of our responsibility for the sorrowful deeds. Faced with this situation it is best to assume our responsibility, seeking to give it a political spin that would prevent greater difficulties and allow us to find corrective solutions that would avoid repetition of these deeds by us against them and of their troops against our comrades. It is in our favor that some of Chávez’s military formerly committed errors on their part against our people in the Caribbean Block. Since General Carvajal has a trip scheduled to where Iván is located, I believe this is the moment for speaking with this man at the level of the Secretariat about the problems that are occurring along the border, giving him our condolences and offering apologies for what has happened and proposing coordination between his troops and ours at the level of the three blocks along the border with them. That is all. An embrace, Raúl.”
“President Chávez is upset, but wants to treat this in a political and prudent manner”
In the emails one notices how desperate the guerrilla leaders are to clarify the Apure massacre. On that very same September 23, 2004 Rodrigo Granda writes to Raúl Reyes and Iván Márquez.
“… I tried speaking to General Hugo Carvajal, current head of the DIM and with Amín. The former was busy in a series of meetings with the rest of his colleagues since he has the role of coordinating Intelligence for all the institutions of the State, and the latter apparently had gone to the area of the events to collect information.
“It was Saturday by the time we managed to have a meeting with Amín: we have confirmed information that this was an activity of the Tenth Front, led by Ismael or Israel. The chief, in reference to Chávez, is indignant and demands a detailed explanation of what has happened. The Venezuelan military are not going to let this rest. The situation can become further complicated, because drastic measures are going to be taken that will be harmful even to Colombians who live along the border, restricting their movements and certainly there will be operations along the border directed at your group. All of the work we had accomplished is coming unraveled…”
In the same email Granda proceeds to tell Reyes and Márquez of his conversation with Amín (apparently a Venezuelan official), who tells him that President Chávez wants the director of Military Intelligence (DIM) and of the Office of Intelligence and Prevention Services (DISIP) to meet with a member of the Secretariat.
“Amín told me: we have to travel so as to meet this very day with people from the Tenth in order to clarify matters. I have the contact. The chief, Chávez, has asked that a meeting be held between a member of the Secretariat and the heads of the DIM and the DISIP. Who would that person be? Is Iván the highest ranking member who is nearby? I will go get him and bring him in order to conduct the meeting…”
I asked him what the commission was doing in the area. They told me: they were on Venezuelan territory, accomplishing tasks related to PDVSA…apparently there was a commission from the Venezuelan Army on the shores of the river, when they observed that a launch was coming downstream they opened fire against it and a brief exchange of gunfire developed, but they recognized each other quickly and the confrontation ceased. The launch continued downstream and the comrades (from the Tenth Front) who were in an advantageous position and on high ground opened fire on the same vessel.”
“I responded to him that I had no information. That I was concerned about the way the media were handling the situation and that this event, unfortunate, which we deeply regretted, was going to be used to their own advantage by the right wing in both countries and by the Gringos in order to complicate matters for us. Whether there were full guarantees that it was possible for Iván to go over for an interview with Chávez. That the episode demonstrated the lack of coordination about which had been complaining, going back quite some time. That he should remember how recently we had also reported deaths and in turn were not provided with a response with respect to our concerns about what had happened. That the deaths were hurtful just as much since this had to do with Bolivarian brethren. That he should rest assured that an internal investigation would be conducted.”
In that same email from Rodrigo Granda to Reyes and Márquez discovery is made of the active presence of the FARC in Venezuela, when the foreign minister of the FARC states the Venezuelan Amín complained to him about actions committed by the Tenth Front.
“Amín told me that the Tenth had slipped out of the organization’s hands. They have been kidnapping Venezuelan cattlemen, collecting protection money from farmers, committing extrajudicial executions. They have grown rich and are not passing information along to the Secretariat. They are buying farms of 600 hectares and more, the militia members are being allowed to commit all sorts of arbitrary acts on Venezuelan territory. It is a very delicate situation.”
“And speaking with an envoy from the DIM, he commented to me: “General Hugo Carvajal gave orders to say that everything indicates that it was the FARC. That the President is upset, but wants to treat this in a political and prudent manner. That we have to ascertain what the circumstances were and he has requested the report from the military chief in the area, but that at the same time he appointed two commissions, separately, so as to have different options and awaits knowing about our version. That he, Chávez, does not see any political advantage for us as a result of that action. That there is good will and impartiality will be sought. That Carvajal needed to talk to me. By the way, I am in Caracas awaiting the meeting. They informed me that Carvajal traveled, together with Chávez, to Apure and that I should await their return. The envoy says that Carvajal wants to go talk to Iván about the matter so as to have the details about what happened. We are waiting to see how everything squares away in the best possible manner. On Sunday’s ‘Aló Presidente’, although Chávez equated us with the paramilitaries, he was speaking to the bulk of the audience. On the night of the 22nd Chávez again appears on television in order to make reference to the matter. For the first time in quite a while he appears dressed in military garb in the Apure Theatre of Operations. He places most of the blame on the Colombian state for what has been occurring along the border. He shows prudence with respect to the FARC despite a few “barbs.”
“The FARC are willing to lend their support to the Bolivarian Revolution”
In a third email Granda tells the members of the Secretariat about the results of an interview with the head of the Venezuelan Office of Military Intelligence and informs them that he is trying to give the situation a political spin.
“Today I met with General Hugo Carvajal of the DIM. He says that he secretly hopes that what has happened in Apure has been the work of a force different from ours. That in any case we must help, in very transparent fashion, to clarify the situation. That if we were not the ones who did it, then we must know who it was, because we move about in that area. He says that he went to the place of the events and witnesses point to involvement by ‘Patetigre’ [Tiger’s Paw], ‘Mico’ [Spider Monkey] and ‘Julio Machete’, that he associates them with being militiamen or guerrilla fighters of the FARC. We made it clear to him that it was necessary to handle this as serenely as possible and that the FARC have been willing and are willing to lend to the Bolivarian Revolution whatever support they deemed necessary and what would be within our reach. That he would communicate our consternation to the President.
“I noticed he was serene but very concerned. I requested his assistance through the use of his influence, to give this case a political spin that would help both parties to prevent repetition of cases such as this one and others. For the moment that is all, embraces.”
Starting next week these emails and the rest of the contents in the Raúl Reyes computer will acquire an extraordinary dimension. Interpol, to which 186 countries belong, is going to confirm the authenticity of all the information found in the laptop of the guerrilla chief who was killed in Ecuador two months ago.
For two months, three experts in forensic computer science for Korea, Singapore and Australia analyzed 16,000 files, videos and photographs contained in the three computers and arrived at the conclusion that no tampering whatsoever had taken place.
Backed by Interpol’s guarantee, the emails thus far revealed about the close relations among the FARC and the governments of Rafael Correa of Ecuador and Hugo Chávez of Venezuela acquire greater importance. These rulers will not only find themselves without any arguments for belittling the information found in the computers but they will also need to provide explanations in their respective countries and before the international community, the extent of their links with the FARC. The scenario will not be easy, especially for Chávez.
Semana.com ©2008
And you expect anyone with half a brain to believe that anything damaging against Chavez and Correa found on magic laptops to be remotely credible?
The CIA is funded with billions of dollars, they have historically engaged black-operations and counter-propaganda as a matter of course, as routine.
Only the people that are inclined to believe the empire and the oligarchy's bullshit will give this information any type of creedence.
Justin, Quico erased comments that I made in a thread pertaining to this magic laptop info.
I hope that you have the time to post at least a truncated rebuttal.
The credulity of the Latin American rightwing is, indeed, touching---but it also points up the massive delusion, the reason that we are kicking their ass all over the continent.
Notice, again, that the right-wingers can't bring themselves to say anything about the topic of the post: the continuing military and paramilitary atrocities against Colombian civilians under Uribe's watch.
As for the magic laptop, that so-called "evidence" would be thrown out of any international court on account of possible evidence-tampering by interested parties. We have no idea whether the Colombian government planted material on those laptops. This so-called "computer forensics" scheme to retrieve 2,000 erased documents sounds awful fishy to me.
And how is it that the most damning "evidence" is not released until two months after the the battle between Uribe and the others? Uribe would have had every reason to release such material at the time.
To speculate on the basis of such questionable "evidence" is to play the game of Colombia's gangster for a president. I'll pass on that game.
Your instincts here, as usual, are spot-on Justin.
I saw this magic laptop as suspect evidence at the inception of this side-show.
And, isn't it telling that the routine violence/terror against Colombian citizens, with government complicity, somehow doesn't seem to make the wire services, the BBC, or the US/Western/Latin American corporate press.
How convenient, ehh?
But, on another level, this leaking of incriminating information serves the function of Uribe's domestic politics--and US goals in the region.
The goal is to smear Venezeula as an ally of the FARC 'terrorists' (while the US and the Latin American oligarchy give cover for Colombian state terrorism) so as to scare off other nations from developing a closer alliance with Venezeula and the Bolivarian alternative.
The intellectual dishonesty of the corporate media is brazen and mendacious.
When I saw photos of B. Clinton chumming it up with Uribe and the Colombian political class I wanted to puke.
And Hillary is running around the West Virginia countryside proclaiming to be the friend of 'hard-working, (white) Americans?!
Massive perception management and disinformation keeps the wheels of the US status quo grinding.
I suspect that it works similarly with Colombia--only with the element of your neighborhood death squad.
Sick, sick undemocratic fuckers.
El País Madrid
REPORT: Secrets of Colombia's guerrillas
The FARC create clandestine cells aimed at international expansion
Documents from Reyes' computer reveal a support network in 17 countries
MAITE RICO (SPECIAL ENVOY) - Bogotá - 11 May 2008
2002 was a fateful year for the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). The European Union included this veteran guerrilla group, accused of crimes against humanity, in its list of terrorist organizations. And Álvaro Uribe assumed the presidency of Colombia with his blunt plan for democratic security. Finding itself corralled, the armed group set in motion a "diplomatic offensive" meant to create support spaces for itself in Latin America and was able to count on a providential ally: Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez.
Riding on the back of Bolivarian expansionism, the FARC have designed a strategy whose makeup ranges from legal groups to clandestine cells, meanwhile creating new guerrilla groups.
Such can be surmised from the documents contained in computers belonging to Raúl Reyes, number two in the FARC, now dead as a result of an attack by the Colombian Air Force, this past March 1st, at his camp in Ecuador. "Despite its apparent rural profile, it has a surprising international operating capability," states Colombian Director of Police, Óscar Naranjo.
The axis is the Bolivarian Continental Coordinating Unit (CCB) consisting of movements from the radical left. It has delegations in 17 countries, among them Germany and Switzerland. Officially, the FARC are part of the organization. In fact, and in light of the documents, the guerrilla group created the Coordinating Unit in 2003 and controls it to the last detail. Thus, in an email of February 7, 2007, Iván Márquez, on of its top leaders, outlined the place and program for the second congress of the CCB, held in Quito this past February 24th.
The FARC use to their advantage this and other public forums such as the Peoples' Encounters, for creating support nuclei and clandestine cells. In Mexico, from whence representatives of the guerrilla group were expelled in 2002, there are four organizations that are visibly open, but managed by two secret cells financed by the Secretariat, the top unit of the armed group.
"They try to wage war from the outside to the inside, aimed at weakening the positions of the Colombian government," thus affirms an intelligence analyst. And it would seem not just that of Colombia. Under the curious epigraph of "Biodiversity Forums," the FARC and other groups from the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, Ecuador, Bolivia and Venezuela motivate the formation of guerrilla groups on the continent.
"In countries with alternative Governments, these groups consist of a guerrilla group in defense against the empire. In countries where there are no alternative Governments, there is an attempt to form or consolidate armed movements aimed at destabilization, such as the Revolutionary Peoples Party (EPR) in Mexico," thus explains the analyst.
The criteria for cataloguing Governments are very permeable. In a message of March 13, 2005, the chief of the FARC, Pedro Antonio Marín, alias Manuel Marulanda or Tirofijo [Sureshot], laments the lack of solidarity shown by those who, once they have attained power, then forget about "other revolutionary fighters." "They are in agreement with the thesis of not exporting the revolution" and do not have any "political and commercial interest concerning weapons," Tirofijo used to say. He refers to those Brazilian, Uruguayan or Mexican "social democrats" who try to expel them from the Forum of Sao Paulo, which brings together groupings from the Latin American left.
And the fact is that "the political and diplomatic relations" of the FARC, in the words of Raúl Reyes, is limited mainly to the communist parties and to three Governments: Venezuela, Nicaragua and Ecuador, which have sent emissaries on different occasions. In recent statements Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa has dissociated himself from the FARC, but the messages intercepted from the leadership of the FARC give an account of meetings with certain officials, such as Minister of the Interior Gustavo Larrea; retired General René Vargas, ambassador to Caracas, and a "Colonel Brito" whom they present in 2007 as an "emissary from the president."
The ultimate objective of FARC's international campaign is fulfillment of its Strategic Plan: "Creating," writes Tirofijo, "a grand revolutionary Army with the help of the masses aimed at defeating the capitalistic system and installing socialism."
Waiting list for training
There is a waiting list for training with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). An entire host of Latin American organizations have knocked at the doors of the guerrilla group seeking military training.
A report from Raúl Reyes to the Secretariat, dated September 2, 2003, is illustrative. That summer the Bolivian indigenous leader Felipe Quispe approached them requesting "military courses lasting three to six months for 10 or 20 comrades." "Also, the secretary general of the Bolivian Communist Party and the head of Los Sin Miedo [Fearless Ones] are requesting military courses," explains Reyes. Nor is there any lack of Ecuadorian delegations, at that time opposed to President Lucio Gutiérrez, who wanted "military courses" aimed at taking him out "by force through the struggle of the masses." Two representatives from the Salvadoran Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, in addition to asking for money for their own campaign, are in turn offering them units "trained in Vietnam as international combatants."
Not just radical movements have used the FARC to their own advantage. Concerning Venezuelan Minister of the Interior and Justice Ramón Rodríguez Chacín, the documents state that: "He expressed interest in the possibilities for transferring to them our experience in guerrilla warfare, which they call asymmetrical warfare," explains Iván Márquez, a member of the Secretariat, in a message of November 14, 2007.
At a certain moment the training centers have reached saturation. That is what happened, for example, in March of 2007, when Márquez writes to Reyes that he cannot receive the students from the Venezuelan Communist Party because "space at the Efraín Guzmán School is filled up." And the fact is that the most assiduous applicants for armed training are groups aligned to Chavismo, who regularly attend FARC camps on Venezuelan soil. They are now being joined by internationalists from the whole continent, aiming to form the so-called Bolivarian Front for Liberation, the future continental guerrilla group.
© Diario EL PAÍS S.L. - Miguel Yuste 40 - 28037 Madrid [España] - Tel. 91 337 8200
© Prisacom S.A. - Ribera del Sena, S/N - Edificio APOT - Madrid [España] - Tel. 91 353 7900
No metion to AUC's leaders extradition.
Propagandist.
No mention to AUC's leaders extradition.
Oh, I'll mention that soon. The major reason behind the extradition is that Uribe and company needed to get rid of the paramilitary witnesses who have revealed the political establishment's ties to paramilitarism. So they're extraditing them. It's a complete Machiavellian scam. Naturally, the press buries the dirty details in the last paragraphs of their reports.
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